https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/opini...7Sm?li=BBnbfcL 
        
 
 
   
                                            Addressing the 
abominable news from 
Boulder, Colo.,  on Monday, President Biden acknowledged that he was “still waiting for  more information regarding the shooter.” And then, without pausing for  breath, he said it: “I don’t need to wait another minute, let alone an  hour,” Biden affirmed, “to take commonsense steps that will save the  lives in the future and to urge my colleagues in the House and Senate to  act.”
     

    © Jonathan Ernst/Reuters  President Joe Biden speaks about the mass shooting in Colorado from the State Dining Room at the White House, March 23, 2021.    With respect, Mr. President, you do.
   
  In front of the cameras, Biden called upon the Senate to pass  “universal background checks.” But Colorado, in which these killings  took place, already has such a system — and, besides, the shooter bought  his gun from a store, not privately, passing a background check in the  process. Responding to Biden’s demand, Senator Marco Rubio was  justifiably confused. “I just don’t understand why everybody keeps  focusing on that,” Rubio said. “It wouldn’t have prevented any of these  shootings.”
 The president’s other ideas were just as  ill-considered. As he confirmed once again, Biden hopes to prohibit the  sale of certain cosmetically displeasing rifles and to ban magazines  that are capable of holding more than ten rounds. But, as one of the  architects of the now-expired 1994 “assault-weapons ban,” he should know  better than that. Not only are so-called “assault weapons” used so  infrequently in crimes that the FBI does not even keep statistics —  rifles of 
all types, recall, are used less frequently as murder  weapons than are hammers, fists, and knives — but the evidence that  prohibiting them does anything of consequence is non-existent.
 When,  in 2004, the “assault-weapons” ban was up for renewal, a report issued  by the Department of Justice submitted that “should it be renewed, the  ban’s effects on gun violence are likely to be small at best and perhaps  too small for reliable measurement.” Congress let it lapse, and, since  then, the evidence has become no stronger. In their 2014 work, 
The Gun Debate: What Everyone Needs to Know,  Stanford University’s Philip J. Cook and Kristin A. Goss concluded that  “there is no compelling evidence that [the ban] saved lives,” while, in  a research review that was updated in April of 2020, the RAND  Corporation found the evidence that “assault-weapons” bans reduce  homicides in general and mass shootings in particular to be  “inconclusive.” The AR-15 is the most commonly owned rifle in the United  States, and, as such, is almost certainly protected under the Supreme  Court’s “in common use” standard. In Congress and in the courts,  “inconclusive” ain’t gonna cut it.
 “This is not a partisan  issue,” President Biden said on Monday, “it’s an American issue.” And,  indeed, it is. And yet Biden’s rhetoric suggests that he believes this  dispute is between a set of people that has all the right answers and a  set that simply refuses to accept that they’re wrong — a conviction that  could not be further from the truth. Only one in four Americans  believes that “stricter gun control” would “help a lot” to prevent gun  violence, while more than half believe that universal background checks  would make either a “small difference” or “no difference at all.” Over  time, gun-control advocates such as Biden have simply tuned out this  fact, to the point at which they are now unable to conceive of their  critics as anything other than corrupt, bloodthirsty wreckers. Even now,  with the National Rifle Association as weak as it has been in decades,  gun-controllers assume that Congress’s continued hesitance must be the  result of something nefarious. It’s not. Americans just aren’t sold on  the agenda.
 And why would they be, given that that agenda is  built atop the pretense that there is an easy answer to an appalling and  vexatious problem — the Constitution be damned. Public polling shows  that even the most popular gun-control ideas tend to become disfavored  once the debate shifts from the abstract to the particulars, and it is  the particulars that matter. There are no panaceas, only hard work. We  must, of course, try to keep guns out of the hands of those who should  not have them. We must, of course, do what we can to address mental  illness. We must, of course, invest in policing. But we should not seek  symbolic victories at the expense of the Bill of Rights, by banning the  most popular rifle in America, overriding the background-check systems  of 37 states, and pretending that the Second Amendment doesn’t exist.
Comment -thoughtful article - nothing to ADD!!!