Quote:
Originally Posted by Green_Mountain
So you clicked the 3 links from post 21, that take you to actual Wiki pages, that validate what was posted in post 19, that discredits wiki?
Wiki should not and cannot be used as a credible source to label Trump a fascist.
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What exactly would be a credible source in your estimation?
Peter Bergen makes a compelling case in my opinion. Read the article and try to tell me you don’t find this to be accurate.
https://www.newamerica.org/the-threa...-peter-bergen/
Is Trump Really a Fascist? Examining the Controversial Claim
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Cultivates “a sense of overwhelming crisis beyond the reach of traditional solutions”: Trump has consistently (and falsely) pushed the line that the U.S. is a “hellhole” where crime is “only going up.” Just last month, Trump claimed, “I don’t think there’s ever been a darkness around our nation like there is now,” despite low levels of unemployment and unprecedented stock market highs. In a second term, this sense of crisis might embolden Trump to use his powers as commander-in-chief to invoke emergency powers such as the Insurrection Act to use the U.S. military against his domestic political enemies.
Exhibits “the superiority of the leader’s instincts over abstract and universal reason”: Put another way, it’s prioritizing intuition—or gut feeling—over logic. Trump routinely asserts the brilliance of his instincts, calling himself a “very stable genius” while dismissing the well-established science around climate change, which he has described as a “hoax.” The nonpartisan Covid Crisis Group found that in April 2020, Trump decided that COVID-19 wasn’t much worse than the flu, and he wanted to “reopen” the economy as he was also gearing up for his election campaign. As a result, the Covid Crisis Group concluded that “Trump was a co-morbidity” with COVID-19, meaning the nation was suffering from two chronic “diseases” simultaneously.
Underscores “the need for authority by natural leaders (always male) culminating in a national chief who alone is capable of incarnating the group’s destiny”: This concept encapsulates Trump’s appeal to his followers quite well. Trump presents himself as the only man who can save this nation, and he recently told a group of his Christian followers that he was anointed by God, a claim they seem to believe. (It’s noteworthy that Trumpism doesn’t work without Trump himself, a lesson Florida Governor Ron DeSantis learned during his unsuccessful presidential run.)
Ascribes to “the belief that one’s group is a victim, a sentiment that justifies any action, without legal or moral limits, against its enemies”: Trump has made a political career out of his purported victimhood, promising “retribution” for his followers who feel similarly victimized. He has also made it clear that if re-elected, he plans to go after his perceived enemies, even suggesting he could use the U.S. military against the “enemy within”—or those who are not loyal to him.
Demonstrates “the need for closer integration of a purer community; by consent if possible, or by exclusionary violence if necessary”: Trump’s base is firmly against most immigrants. When Trump was in office, his administration separated thousands of migrant children from their families at the U.S.-Mexico border, a policy some of his followers accepted. If re-elected, Trump and his advisers have promised mass deportations of millions of migrants by the U.S. military. Mass deportations are supported by 88 percent of Trump supporters, according to a recent Pew Research Center poll. (That policy is also supported by three in 10 Harris supporters.)
Promotes “the beauty of violence and the efficacy of will when they are devoted to the group’s success”: Earlier this month, Trump described the January 6 Capitol riot by his followers, during which 140 police officers were assaulted, as a day of “beauty and love.”
