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			Article from The Verge: 
 
Backpage.com and the prostitution law that could take down Twitter, YouTube, and Wikipedia 
 
By Matt Stroud on June 18, 2012 
 
If  you want to pay for sex in the United States — or offer sex services  for a fee — and you’d rather not troll derelict city street corners late  at night, chances are you’re going to use backpage.com. 
 
Of  course, Backpage’s adult classifieds are cloaked in the coy poetry of  online sex advertising; you’re searching for an “escort” instead of a  “prostitute” or a “full body sensual mutual touch” instead of something  more crudely sexual. But recent studies from the Advanced Interactive  Media Group (AIMG) cut through coyness to offer at least one blunt  statistic: About 70 percent of the revenue generated from online sex  transactions in the U.S. goes to Backpage. Last year, AIMG figured  Backpage generated around $2 million in revenue every month from online  sex sales. 
 
To put it another way: The Village Voice Media-owned  online classified ad service could be seen as the main source for online  sex in the U.S. 
 
And with Craigslist no longer offering sex  services on any of its 700 sites around the world (Craigslist dropped  its “adult classifieds” section in 2010), Backpage’s adult market share  has nowhere to go but up. 
 
But there’s a hitch. And that hitch not  only threatens to put Backpage out of business. It also threatens to  completely change the way websites handle third-party content. 
 
While  few government agencies seem particularly concerned about the criminal  ramifications of adults offering sex with other adults for sale online  (prostitution is legal only in some parts of Nevada), at least one  high-profile case shined an unflattering light on Backpage for allowing  users to traffic children for sex. 
 
That high-profile case involved a 15-year-old from St. Louis identified only as “M.A.” 
 
With  help from attorneys, M.A. brought a civil lawsuit against Backpage in  2010 after M.A.’s pimp, Latasha Jewell McFarland, was sentenced to serve  five years in federal prison for soliciting prostitution with a minor  and a number of related charges. The details of the civil lawsuit were  brutal. According to the complaint, McFarland took pornographic pictures  of M.A., posted those on Backpage, paid Backpage to post those images  repeatedly and then used those images to transport M.A. “for the purpose  of sexual liaisons for money with adult male customers obtained through  [Backpage].” 
 
The lawsuit requested damages from Backpage;  $150,000 “for every violation.” Though the lawsuit wasn’t specific about  how many violations were involved, one could easily assume the  requested damages were well over $1 million. 
 
Yet that civil lawsuit went nowhere. M.A. received no compensation from Backpage. 
 
Under  Section 230 of the federal Communications Decency Act, internet  companies such as Backpage that host third-party content are not held  liable if third-party users post “indecent” material. In other words,  it’s not Backpage’s job to police; it’s the police’s job to police. So  M.A.’s 2010 civil lawsuit was dismissed by a federal judge less than a  year after it was filed. 
 
IN OTHER WORDS, IT’S NOT BACKPAGE’S JOB TO POLICE; IT’S THE POLICE’S JOB TO POLICE 
Activists in Washington State didn’t like that at all. And they were part of a national movement against Backpage. 
 
“We  are experts in the anti-human trafficking field who for years have been  on the front lines working directly with victims, providing clinical  and social services, studying and researching trafficking, and  developing and advocating for prevention policies,” read a letter to  Backpage’s owners last year from the Polaris Project, an anti- human  trafficking group. “We stand together asking you to protect women and  girls from others’ commercial sexual exploitation and sex trafficking of  them by immediately and permanently shutting down the entire Adult  section of your subsidiary’s website, Backpage.com.” 
 
That letter  was indirectly supported by a series of New York Times articles by  Nicholas Kristof denouncing Backpage — and also less polite campaigns by  groups such as Village Voice Pimps. 
 
Though Polaris is based in  Washington D.C. and Kristof is in New York, Washington State was the  first state to pass legislation against Backpage. This year, amendments  to Washington State Senate Bill 6521 — which were supposed to go into  law earlier this month — proposed that it would be illegal if someone or  some company “knowingly publishes, disseminates, or displays ... any  advertisement for a commercial sex act, which is to take place in the  state of Washington and that includes the depiction of a minor.”  Violating the bill would be a Class C felony in Washington State, which  would bring a minimum of five years behind bars and $10,000 in fines for  each violation. 
 
Backpage sued to stop the law. 
 
Backpage  argued that such a law would mean “that every service provider — no  matter where headquartered or operated — must review each and every  piece of third-party content posted on or through its service to  determine whether it is an ‘implicit’ ad for a commercial sex act in  Washington, and whether it includes a depiction of a person, and, if so,  must obtain and maintain a record of the person's ID.” Such obligations  “would bring the practice of hosting third-party content to a  grinding-halt,” it argued. 
 
Backpage is not alone in that  argument. The Internet Archive joined Backpage's argument in a federal  challenge filed Friday. And there will likely be others. 
 
Eric  Goldman, an assistant professor at Santa Clara University specializing  in internet law (and unaffiliated with Backpage or activists supporting  the Washington State law), called the proposed Washington State  legislation “dangerous.” 
 
It threatens Section 230 of the federal  Communications Decency Act — “perhaps the most important internet law  ever,” he told me. “It's hard to imagine sites like YouTube, Flickr,  Wikipedia, Yelp, Facebook or Twitter without Section 230,” he said. The  Washington State law “sideswipes Section 230 by trying to make websites  undertake verification and record-keeping obligations” that would be  extremely expensive and nearly impossible in everyday practice. 
 
“Imagine  Twitter without real-time posting,” he said. If Washington State’s law  is allowed to pass, it “will destroy the user-generated content  community.” 
 
Sex workers aren’t keen on the new law either.  Vivian, a 25-year-old sex worker, uses Backpage’s adult services section  often and is active with the Sex Workers Outreach Project New York City  (SWOP-NYC), a NYC-based movement of sex workers supporting Backpage.  She told me that without online adult classified ads, her job would be  much riskier and more difficult than it already is. Selling sex offline  would force her to rely on shady pimps, she said; it would force her to  work on the street and to know almost nothing about the people she’s  agreeing to work with. Responding to queries online, she said, allows  her to set her own terms with her individual clients, to work in places  where she feels comfortable and to conduct at least cursory background  searches before she allows someone into her place of business. 
 
“I  don’t think anyone’s arguing that [child sex trafficking] is an  incredibly dire situation and that something needs to be done,” she  said. “But I would advocate for solutions that don’t have so many  massive unintended consequences.” 
 
A judge in Washington State is  now mulling that over. The Washington State law is currently stalled in  court under a 14-day temporary restraining order set to expire this  week. A judge is considering whether to strike down the law, allow  portions of the law into effect, or support the law as it’s written. The  judge’s decision could set the stage for battles in other states:  Tennessee passed its own online sex trafficking law earlier this year  and legislators in New York and New Jersey are considering whether to do  the same. 
 
In the meantime, Goldman said the problem is bigger  than Backpage and there needs to be more research about how child sex  trafficking occurs and how it can be policed. 
 
In an email, he  wrote: “We don't have a good sense about the scope of sex trafficking  generally, how the ability to market prostitution online generally  exacerbates the problem of sex trafficking (if at all), and to what  extent any individual publisher (like Backpage) exacerbates the problem  further (if at all).” 
 
Without that information, he said, it’s tough to get far. 
 
“Instead,  the discourse is dominated by platitudes, such as sex trafficking is  bad, and sex trafficking of kids is worse; and from these premises, the  regulators infer that any policy effort that is designed to suppress sex  trafficking is worth doing, irrespective of its efficacy and collateral  consequences,” he said. “We have to get past these platitudes and the  unsupported inferences drawn from them.”
		 
		
		
		
		
		
		
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